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On a recent trip to DC, I watched storm clouds gather over the Organization of American States (OAS) headquarters as my phone buzzed to offer a gale warning. Perhaps no image could better illustrate the challenges facing Hemispheric affairs as the OAS—the premier regional institution for political cooperation in the Americas—prepares to elect a new Secretary General in March. The region faces complex challenges that will require strong leadership and collaboration, but the region is deeply divided and faces headwinds to regional cooperation. Who member states choose to lead the organization will have major implications for the direction of Inter-American affairs.
The election for the new Secretary General comes at a tumultuous time for the Western Hemisphere. Within the region, political polarization continues to rise and democracy is under assault from both sides of the political spectrum. At the same time, countries grapple with the threat of climate change, an unprecedented immigration crisis, and the need to foster economic growth. Addressing these collective challenges through the OAS remains critical, but challenging—particularly given concerns about the fairness of the organization and its leadership. For instance, the OAS’s defense of democracy has put it at odds with different political blocs and even resulted in Nicaragua’s withdrawal from the organization. Further complicating regional responses to these problems is the growing geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China in the region—which may move the region up as a U.S. priority, but creates challenges for cooperation between the United States and countries in the region who view China as an opportunity rather than a threat. Despite these challenges, the OAS is uniquely situated to address many of these regional challenges and the next leader will play a pivotal role in determining the direction of regional relations.
Introducing the Candidates
Thus far, only two candidates for the position have been formally announced; Albert Ramdin of Suriname and Rubén Ramírez Lezcano of Paraguay. Ramdin is Suriname’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Business, and International Cooperation. He also previously served as the Deputy Secretary General of the OAS (2005-2015), where he pushed for official private sector dialogue with the organization. Like Ramdin, Ramírez is his nation’s foreign minister. Ramírez previously represented his country in various regional and global organization including at the CAF (Development Bank of Latin America), the Latin American Integration Association, and UNESCO.
While only two candidates have formally been named, rumors have circled that former Colombian President Ivan Duque may also run for the position. At the same time, civil society organizations have called for OAS member states to elect a woman to run the organization. Although no female candidate has been formally announced, there are several highly qualified women—with extensive experience in international, regional, and DC policy circles—who have been deeply engaged in Inter-American and could bring new energy to OAS, including Ecuador’s Ivonne Baki, Costa Rica’s Laura Chinchilla, and Chile’s Michelle Bachelet.
Factors Shaping the Election
While there are a variety of factors that will ultimately determine who will be the next Secretary General of the OAS, there are two in particular that will likely play a central role: 1) how the candidates plan to balance the competing priorities of the OAS and its various mandates and 2) the role of key member states—particularly the United States and the members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM).
The OAS Charter lays out four key pillars for the organization—security, development, human rights, and democracy. In many ways, the 2020 OAS Secretary General Election fell along these lines. With Luis Almagro leaning into the OAS’s role in defending democracy and human rights and Maria Fernanda Espinosa seeking to deepen OAS engagement on development. While Almagro’s push on defending democracy may have made him a polarizing figure, given the number of other regional organizations that focus more explicitly on development—including the four regional development banks—having the OAS focus on the pillars where it is a unique and crucial regional actor remains critical.
The OAS faces challenges in addressing these issues, however. One key challenge in this space is the organization’s historic commitment to defending sovereignty and non-intervention. This can limit its ability to consistently defend democracy and human rights in the region. Additionally, the overlap in institutional mandates between the OAS and other regional organizations creates opportunities for countries to forum shop and undermine the ability of the OAS to address key challenges. Despite these challenges, the OAS remains a crucial actor in regional affairs.
Each candidate’s framing and approach to these different pillars will have implications for how they appeal to key constituencies with the OAS. In order to win the election, a candidate must receive votes from 18 OAS member states. This makes winning key blocs of states critical to winning the secretariat. One critical bloc in this is the Caribbean. CARICOM’s 14 members represent a large portion of what is needed to win the secretariat. In addition to CARICOM, Ramdin has stated that he has the support of Chile, Honduras, and Peru in the forthcoming election. Furthermore, growing friction within regional affairs could sway additional countries to support Ramdin, particularly if they have concerns over U.S. support for an alternative candidate. However, despite CARICOM’s objective of promoting foreign policy cooperation, the organization’s members do not always vote together. Indeed, although CARICOM has reaffirmed its support for Ramdin’s candidacy a new candidate entering the race or incentives from other member states may shift the calculus of some CARICOM countries. If member states maintain this support, it would place Ramdin within striking distance of leading the OAS.
Ramírez has taken a different approach and is developing connections within the United States. The United States has historically played a critical role in shaping politics at the OAS. While there are questions about the degree to which the Trump administration will prioritize Latin America and the Caribbean—let alone multilateral organizations—the Trump administration’s Secretary of State nominee, Senator Marco Rubio (R-FL), has a long history of engagement with Latin America. In a 2024 article in The National Interest in which Rubio laid out his vision for U.S.-Latin American relations, he explicitly noted that Paraguay should be a close ally to the United States. While this could lead to support for Ramírez’s campaign, U.S. support may shift if other candidates enter the race. Furthermore, although the United States remains an important voice in Hemispheric affairs and a U.S. endorsement has historically been important for winning the position, diplomatic fissures between the United States and other key nations in the Hemisphere—including Brazil—may limit the impact of U.S. support outside the countries closely aligned with the United States. This will be particularly true if countries in the region hope to leverage the OAS to constrain U.S. actions in the region.
Conclusion
Whoever takes the helm of the OAS will be in a key position to define priorities in the Americas and shape the extent to which the organization remains a player in regional affairs. The OAS is the world’s oldest regional organization and has faced difficulties before, but the region faces a growing number of issues that will require collective responses and navigating an increasingly polarized Hemisphere will require a steady hand. This is all the more important given the X Summit of the Americas scheduled for later this year. As the election of the next secretary general of the OAS looms, states must look to what they want the future of the Hemisphere to look like and how regional governance may fit into that future.
Adam Ratzlaff is a specialist and consultant in Inter-American affairs as well as a member of Diplomatic Courier’s World in 2050 Brain Trust. He has previously worked with the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, and Global Americans, among other groups.
