The Caribbean is a highly important and often under-appreciated geopolitical and economic region, especially in terms of U.S. interests. A community of small state actors, the region is under considerable stress on several fronts, including the illicit trafficking in guns (mainly from the U.S.) and drugs (much of it heading to the U.S. and Europe), a surge in violent crime (much of it gang related), terrorism, and cybercrime. Considering this mix of challenges to the sovereignty of Caribbean countries, Ivelaw Griffth, a Fellow of the Caribbean Policy Consortium and Global Americans as well as a Senior Associate of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, has written what will be considered a seminal work, highly recommended to anyone with an interest in a region of strategic importance to the United States.
Challenged Sovereignty: The Impact of Drugs, Crime, Terrorism, and Cyber Threats in the Caribbean is well-researched, considers the relevant literature, and a great read, livened up with personal anecdotes. Central to Griffith’s work is the concept of Problems Without Passports (PWPs), defined as “transnational issues that disdain political authority and territorial boundaries of states and threatens the safety and security of individuals and groups within states, thereby impacting the sovereignty of states.”
Equally important is the definition of sovereignty. For Griffith this pertains to “the supreme authority of a state over itself, without any interference from foreign entities, unless permitted by the state’s authorized officials, that secures its territory and citizens and possesses the economic, technical, military, and other capabilities to promulgate and execute domestic and foreign policy.” Within this context, PWPs clearly represent a clear and present danger.
In tackling the PWP issue, Challenged Sovereignty asks: “How secure is security and how sovereign is sovereignty in the Caribbean?” In addressing this question, Griffith sets out to outline relevant conceptual parameters of vulnerability and security; examines several contemporary manifestations and consequences of four PWPs (the drug phenomenon, crime, terrorism and cyber threats); and analyzes the impact of linkages between drugs and crime.
Chapter six is particularly topical, where Griffith delves into the case of Jamaican drug lord Christopher “Dubas” Coke, which the author calls “history-defining in terms of the scope of violence, the extent of the deaths and destruction of property, and the political fallout.” Indeed, the cost was substantial: the impact of Coke’s violence on the economy was equal to USD 259 million, representing some 2.1 percent of the country’s 2009 GDP and 50 percent of tourism GDP. Although Prime Minister Bruce Golding narrowly survived a vote of no confidence, his position was weakened and Jamaica’s image as a major tourist destination was hard hit. Moreover, the Coke case “dramatized the fact that the state in Jamaica did not have a monopoly of force within the country’s sovereign land territory.”
Jamacia’s crisis was sparked by an indictment in New York against Coke for conspiracy to distribute guns and illegal drugs, which was followed by U.S. request for the drug lord’s extradition. At the time Jamaica was the one of the few countries to have an extradition treaty with the U.S.
The Jamaican government initially dragged its feet on arresting and extraditing Coke, sensitive to the political implications. Golding eventually acted in May 2010. This set the stage for an out-and-out conflict between Coke’s garrison state and the government’s security forces, a struggle that directly and indirectly involved 11 percent of the country’s population.
What makes Coke noteworthy in terms of challenged sovereignty is that he carved out a zone in the capital city of Kingston that was beyond state control, the Tivoli Gardens. Coke created what is known as a garrison community, an urban zone beyond the control of the state, with its own set of rules, enforcers, and services as well as local loyalty to gang rule. Griffith notes with an eye to Jamaica’s ongoing challenges with violent crime and gangs: “What is true for many societies is patent in Jamaica: economic inequalities are structural, and poor communities often cope with relative economic and social deprivation by being complicit with or turning a blind eye to actions by criminal gangs or individuals that provide economic and social goods not offered by the state party holders.” As Griffith aptly notes, this issue is a major concern in other parts of the Caribbean, something vividly demonstrated by the vastly powerful of gangs in Haiti, ongoing gang violence in Trinidad, and creeping gang penetration of the Eastern Caribbean.
In chapter seven, Griffith digs deep into the nexus between geoeconomics and geopolitics, looking closely at Suriname, where the former coupist Desi Bouterse won elections in 2010 and remained in office until 2020 when he was voted out. Although the author concludes that Suriname did not devolve into a narco-state, he notes that Bouterse’s becoming the head of state “…had the dubious distinction of being the world’s only head of state with a drug trafficking conviction and sentence (in absentia)”, which “prompted concerns within the U.S. security establishment about the prospects of a narco state being established in Suriname.” Since 2020, Suriname has continued to struggle with crime and corruption, but the rule of law remains important as reflected by the Bouterse’s conviction for the murder of 15 political figures in the 1982 coup. Sadly, when the time came in 2024 for Bouterse to serve his sentence, he disappeared.
Griffith also provides some keen insights on terrorism and cybersecurity in the Caribbean, both challenges to the state’s authority. He does readers a service by compiling a list of regional terrorist incidents prior to 9/11 and how the threat has evolved since that pivotal event — especially in Trinidad and Tobago, which was rocked by the 1990 Jamaat-al-Muslimeen coup attempt. Trinidad and Tobago later gained notoriety in having the highest rate of Islamic Sate recruitment in the Western Hemisphere. He cautions “against naivety about terrorism and the potential vulnerability of the region, either through direct attacks on Caribbean citizens and infrastructures or using Caribbean countries as platforms to launch attacks on assets of the United States and other Western nations.”
Griffith’s treatment of cybersecurity is especially important. A topic often overlooked when dealing with criminal issues in the Caribbean, it is becoming a costly factor for governments and businesses. This assumes greater importance as the global economy is moving toward digitalization. The Caribbean — especially its financial centers, which have long grappled with money laundering — is vulnerable to this threat. On an encouraging note, Griffith notes that the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is stepping up in warning about “the existence of significant cybersecurity vulnerabilities and raised the alarm about cybercrime’s devastating impact on national security and socioeconomic development.”
In the concluding chapter, Griffith returns to his initial question of how secure is security, and how sovereign is sovereignty in the Caribbean? Based on the research he has conducted, one is left with the feeling that the challenges to Caribbean are enormous and often beyond the capabilities of small state actors. He indicates that Caribbean countries need to be more unified in their approach in dealing with PWPs as well as working with friendly countries, like the U.S., European Union, the UK, and Canada. If there are any weaknesses in Challenged Sovereignty it is that the author offers almost too much information. To understate, the book is awash with an impressive amount of data. That said, Griffith has demonstrated the deft hand of a master analyst of the Caribbean, national security, and international relations. This is a book that should be read by undergraduate and graduate students, policymakers, and business leaders.
