The way that Petro interacts with the press, especially reporters who are critical of his administration, will determine his democratic credentials.
The PRC’s significant, long-standing relationship with Peru, including its significant role in key sectors such as mining, petroleum, logistics, telecommunications, and military interactions, positions it well to expand its relationship in response to Peru’s economic and fiscal needs.
While the country has rejected Castillo, the inequality, political dissatisfaction, societal polarization, and broken party structure which catapulted him into the nation’s highest office persist.
Expanding criminality—in the form of narcotrafficking, illegal mining, logging, and other activities—continues to erode the effectiveness of Peruvian institutions, as well as the faith of the Peruvian people in democratic, market-oriented solutions to their challenges.
The fate of the Castillo experiment also foreshadows what could occur with multiple other governments across the region also undergoing similar political transitions.
Gustavo Petro won the presidency. However, it should be well understood that a significant portion of the country did not want him to become president. This result does not give the new president a clear mandate to execute their policy without at least trying to address concerns from the other side.
Now that the celebrations are over, Colombia’s new left-wing president faces a mountain of challenges. His biggest challenge will be delivering on his promises.
In their effort to assuage reluctant partners in the region, U.S. officials risk ignoring Latin American and Caribbean governments that have consistently supported U.S. interests and values.
Hernandez’s campaign’s narrative cannot be “change vs. continuity.” Instead, he must propose a model of change that is different from Petro’s.
