President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) has opened yet another battlefront in Mexico’s belligerent political context. In violation of the constitution, the national education law, and the most basic sense of decency and morality, but with the usual levels of opacity and cynicism, AMLO’s government has drafted and published new textbooks for public schools nationwide through the Ministry of Education.
Canada has pursued an effective approach to peace and justice in Colombia, centered on advancing mutual security, as well as diplomatic, political, humanitarian, and commercial goals.
Despite a proliferation of targeted visa restrictions, the reality is that migration has continued. As the option of flights and other regular travel further north has been taken off the board, this has only pushed migrants to take more dangerous paths to the U.S. border, most infamously through the Darien Gap.
In comparison to the hard, adversarial edge that sometimes erupted at recent presidential-level Summits of the Americas, the Denver meeting was at once more relaxed, more substantive, more free-flowing, and more authentic.
[Runde’s] view of international development is transformational, where outside assistance can catalyze internal reforms and lead to broad-based economic growth.
In particular, discussions around history tend to ignore the need to teach students about Latin America and the Caribbean and how interconnected the world has become. This hole in the U.S. education system is reflected in a lack of attention to the region in U.S. foreign policy. To bolster engagement with the rest of the Americas, the United States should expand its education system’s coverage of Inter-American history and Latin American studies.
On Sunday, Mexicans took to the streets across the nation to protest President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s plan to replace the National Electoral Institute (INE) with directly elected delegates.
The 2022 U.S. midterm election results cement a trend that impacts U.S.-Latin American policy—hardline positions are largely bipartisan in Florida… a key question is whether Biden is willing to risk alienating elements of his own party to make changes in his foreign policy toward Latin America.
Without public buy-in, it will be difficult for U.S.-Latin American relations to endure changing administrations or the twenty-four-hour news cycle. Connecting U.S. public support and business interests through government action can create avenues for long-lasting policy.
AMLO’s increasing need for the PRC and its resources is already manifesting itself in subtle compromises that his administration has made towards Chinese companies with respect to lithium, and possibly electricity generation, among other areas.
