Political developments in Guatemala, Mexico, Brazil and once again in Peru should remind us that tackling corruption—to quote Ringo Starr—”… just don’t come easy.” Worse, it can often turn anti-democratic.
Presidential hopeful Beto O’Rourke just announced his immigration plan, factoring in a stronger partnership with Latin America to enhance regional security. Will other candidates follow suit?
Bolsonaro’s popularity has plummeted after only one hundred days in office. The reasons were obvious even before he took office on January 1, but few thought political turmoil would come this quickly.
Juan Guaidó’s swearing in as interim president on January 23, 2019 and his recognition by more than 50 countries as Venezuela’s legitimate president has consolidated him as the leader of the opposition. But real power remains elusive for the young leader. What must happen to finally trigger change in Venezuela?
With AMLO at the epicenter of his self-proclaimed campaign to personally save Mexico from corruption, Mexican politics are becoming polarized. The loser will not only be effectively ending corruption, but Mexican democracy.
Despite ongoing mass mobilizations, Venezuela will likely remain in flux for the foreseeable future. Backed by powerful external (illiberal) allies, the Maduro regime doesn’t have to play by the rules.
Countering democratic backsliding driven by powerful executives is as relevant as eliminating corruption, the deficit of the rule of law and the scourges of inequality and violence that plague Latin America’s democracies. Yet the latter issues still dominate public debate.
Panama’s presidential election quickly shifted from a safe bet to a close race. Nito Cortizo will hold the office for the next five years, but because of the narrow results his presidency is off to a weak start.
Since the mid-nineties, a majority of established democracies have fallen victim to an autocratic wave. And while each country’s trajectory to autocracy is different, the tactical model of the aspiring dictator is evident in all of them.
Despite gains by the PSOE, Pedro Sánchez will still have to govern from one of the weakest positions in Spain’s recent democratic history. Few would envy his daunting charge of navigating the contradictory challenges of growing nationalism and regionalism in the years to come.
