President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) has opened yet another battlefront in Mexico’s belligerent political context. In violation of the constitution, the national education law, and the most basic sense of decency and morality, but with the usual levels of opacity and cynicism, AMLO’s government has drafted and published new textbooks for public schools nationwide through the Ministry of Education.
A potential electoral defeat of the Petro administration will likely lead to an escalation in disputes between the executive and local governments over the next three years.
In Chile, the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the coup that toppled President Salvador Allende has reignited the national conversation about the legacies of both Allende and his successor, General Augusto Pinochet.
A Milei presidency holds the promise of ushering in substantial and disruptive changes to Argentina’s political and economic landscape. Its disruptive nature is already evident in its ability to challenge the dominance of the polarizing Juntos and Kirchnerist coalitions, which have controlled the political spectrum for the past decade.
While opposition congresses play a crucial role in ensuring checks and balances in Latin American democracies, the complexities they introduce are far-reaching and multifaceted. These challenges underscore the need for mature political behavior, open dialogue, and a steadfast commitment to democratic norms from all political actors.
Fernando thus had a plausible path to the Ecuadoran presidency, creating a risk of him working from a position of authority to dismantle webs of corruption involving not only Rafael Correa, his cronies, and the Chinese companies he built his presidential administration around but also the broader penetration of the Ecuadoran economy and political system by international criminal organizations.
On August 13, Argentina holds the first of three rounds of elections, which will determine who will assume office as the country’s next president on December 10. The primary is formally a preparatory contest to decide who will be the presidential candidate of every party or alliance in the general election.
Despite being a federalist country, Buenos Aires’ prevalence against the rest of the country’s provinces has been tangible, and its political realm is no exception.
Guatemala’s 2023 electoral process will most likely dodge a bullet, and the presidential runoff election between Bernardo Arévalo of SEMILLA (Movimiento Semilla) and Sandra Torres of UNE (Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza) will take place on August 20, 2023. The runoff campaign itself will be highly polarized, and in the broader picture, there are huge challenges ahead for governability in the short-run and for Guatemala’s democracy in the long-run.
Why are these powerful men covering their mudslinging with staged events and awkward smiles? Because both are jockeying to run for president in 2025. And the longer their competition drags on, the greater the opportunity for MAS’ opposition on the right.
