Since Fidel Castro stepped down, Cuba experienced some political reforms that potentially explain why Cuba has more interest in cooperating than in previous summit years.
There are a surprising number of feasible items that Summit leaders can push, especially in considering the importance of the creative and orange economies.
To understand why so many countries will be absent from the Summit of the Americas, Latin America observers would do well to read El no alineamiento activo y America Latina.
The personalization of policy is rarely wise, and in U.S. embassies, it risks shaping political analysis to reflect what diplomats think Washington wants to hear. In my view, this happened in Brazil.
It is imperative that the United States continues to assist its smaller neighbors with initiatives to reduce the violence [in the Anglophone Caribbean].
Hernandez’s campaign’s narrative cannot be “change vs. continuity.” Instead, he must propose a model of change that is different from Petro’s.
Last week, The New York Times published an investigative article detailing how Haiti’s “independence debt” to France contributed to the country’s underdevelopment. After the Haitian Revolution, in which Haitians revolted against French slaveholders and declared independence, France sent warships to the island and demanded reparations.
My time as a U.S. diplomat in Cuba during the Obama thaw of 2015-17 showed me what was possible to achieve when diplomacy was given a chance to work.
Oil wealth must be used as an instrument to push equitable development. It is crucial that the offshore oil industry brings lasting benefits to the future generations of underserved communities.
