Best of 2015-2016
Global Americans/LatinAmericaGoesGlobal.org is 1 year old! To celebrate this admittedly minor milestone, the editors picked over our contributions from the past 12 months and chose our favorites.
Global Americans/LatinAmericaGoesGlobal.org is 1 year old! To celebrate this admittedly minor milestone, the editors picked over our contributions from the past 12 months and chose our favorites.
The rise of the Latin American-style populism in the U.S. stems from sentiments that Latin American citizens have felt for years: inequality, economic uncertainty and insecurity.
Chile and Uruguay seem to be on a path to a bilateral free trade deal. With the former in the Pacific Alliance and the latter in the customs union Mercosur, are the two blocs converging, or is Mercosur fracturing?
A group of more than 20 leading scholars, convened by Global Americans, has outlined a series of nonpartisan proposals for the next administration to strengthen and leverage the U.S.’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean.
Latin American and Caribbean states have been astoundingly cheap in supporting the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. In 2013, Chile only contributed $80,000, and the same year Brazil and Venezuela gave nothing to the Commission.
Impeachment processes are always messy political processes (remember Bill Clinton’s in 1998?). In the case of Brazil, by providing a constitutional exit for unpopular executives, impeachment may be what ultimately preserves Brazilian democracy.
Patricio Aylwin, Chile’s president from 1990 to 1994, passed away on April 19th. He will be remembered as a symbol of the country’s transition to democracy. Today’s political leaders, in Chile as well as the rest of Latin America, would do well to learn a few lessons from his political career.
A recent Spanish report by DeJusticia details the modern challenges of the inter-American system of human rights: political consensus; countries refusing to pay their obligations; and countries cutting their contributions when they receive decisions they don’t like.
From former guerrilla to fast-rising protege of her predecessor Lula da Silva, she was supposed to preside over Brazil’s rise. Instead, the Brazilian president’s career may soon be over for good.
The net effect of these new bodies has been to create parallel forums more favorable to the interests of autocrats. That may be OK for Venezuela and others, but why are Brazil and other countries going along? And where are the media?