There are a surprising number of feasible items that Summit leaders can push, especially in considering the importance of the creative and orange economies.
To understand why so many countries will be absent from the Summit of the Americas, Latin America observers would do well to read El no alineamiento activo y America Latina.
The personalization of policy is rarely wise, and in U.S. embassies, it risks shaping political analysis to reflect what diplomats think Washington wants to hear. In my view, this happened in Brazil.
It is imperative that the United States continues to assist its smaller neighbors with initiatives to reduce the violence [in the Anglophone Caribbean].
Hernandez’s campaign’s narrative cannot be “change vs. continuity.” Instead, he must propose a model of change that is different from Petro’s.
My time as a U.S. diplomat in Cuba during the Obama thaw of 2015-17 showed me what was possible to achieve when diplomacy was given a chance to work.
Ayudar a Ecuador a negociar un canje de deuda por naturaleza y construir una relación comercial centrada en el medio ambiente deberían ser dos de los muchos enfoques novedosos de la administración de Biden.
Helping Ecuador negotiate a debt-for-nature swap and building environment-centered trade ties should be two of the United States’ many novel approaches ahead of the Summit of the Americas.
Oil wealth must be used as an instrument to push equitable development. It is crucial that the offshore oil industry brings lasting benefits to the future generations of underserved communities.
If and when negotiations resume, it will be critical that women are not only present at the negotiating table, but are also taking the lead in charting Venezuela’s democratic transition.
