A Global Americans interview with Gastón Schulmeister, the Director of the Department against Transnational Organized Crime (DTOC) at the Organization of American States (OAS).
If the United States allows other Caribbean Basin countries to be eligible for components of its ambitious domestic agenda, it could simultaneously increase U.S. competitiveness and provide benefits to the region that far outweigh any traditional foreign assistance programs.
As Latin America inches toward recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is vital that the region’s governments align their rebuilding strategies with their commitments under the 2015 Paris climate agreement. The U.S. could help make that happen.
The race to research, develop, test, approve, and distribute effective COVID-19 vaccines has turned the search for global normalcy into yet another frontier to be exploited for geopolitical gain, with Russia taking the opportunity to use vaccines as a means to advance relations throughout Latin America.
Immigrants are not coming to the U.S. because they are attracted by President Joe Biden’s inclusive language, and they were not repelled by former President Donald Trump’s use of racist imagery. Such a narrow focus may provide clickbait for media outlets but facilitates no concrete policy progress. Real understanding and positive change in the migration debate can only come by keeping structural factors at the forefront of any discussion.
CARICOM has already proven the effectiveness of using multilateral systems to advance hemispheric solutions, creating an opportunity for the Biden administration to advance common interests in the region.
President Nayib Bukele’s Nuevas Ideas party won more than two-thirds of the votes in El Salvador’s February 28 legislative elections. The consolidation of power puts democratic processes and counterbalances to the country’s executive branch at risk.
This article is the second in a two-part series on Cuba’s designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism discussing the pretextual nature of Cuba’s inclusion on the list and the legal aspects of political fugitives in Cuba.
This article is the first in a two-part series on Cuba’s designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. Once on the list, a country is subject to lawsuits in U.S. courts that would otherwise be dismissed on the basis of sovereign immunity. It is the court judgments, resulting from such suits, that have long-term implications for U.S.–Cuba relations.
2021 could yet prove to be a pivotal year in U.S.-Cuban relations, but much will rest on how domestic politics in both countries play out under their respective leadership.
